World Affairs Brief, January 29, 2021 Commentary and Insights on a Troubled World.

Copyright Joel Skousen. Partial quotations with attribution permitted. Cite source as Joel Skousen’s World Affairs Brief (http://www.worldaffairsbrief.com).

GIULIANI’S SABOTAGE OF ELECTION FRAUD LEGAL EFFORTS REVEALED

Patrick Byrne, the former CEO of Overstock.com has spent the last six months helping and financing the work of several researchers, technical analysts, lawyers, and others examining and documenting evidence of election fraud since the 2018 election. After the blatant election manipulation of 2020 unfolded, his group quickly went to work gathering and analyzing data showing widespread fraud. Eventually they offered their evidence and help to Sidney Powell, and then to Rudy Giuliani who was in control of Trump’s legal team. They were astounded at the disarray, slow leadership and incredibly bad decisions made by Guiliani and his team. Despite his respect for Guiliani going into these events, Byrne’s notes reveal not just incompetence but likely deliberate sabotage by the man Trump trusted to lead one of the most important legal efforts ever. Byrne’s summary of events is shocking and eye opening. From his unique vantage point he has written what could be the definitive exposé of Giuliani and his staff. It will be shocking to you how blatant their actions were.

I have long made the case that Rudy Giuliani is Deep State. As the mayor of NYC he must have had full knowledge of the Deep State 9/11 operation that loaded explosives into three of the WTC buildings so they could create a new war on terror—and justify a whole host of evils including domestic surveillance, loss of rights, and constant foreign intervention. One of those structures—building 7—was the one in which NYC had spent millions establishing a secure Emergency Management Command Center, which Giuliani personally didn’t use on that day. For reasons related to his foreknowledge that the building was going to be imploded with explosives, he had a makeshift command center established down the street. Firefighters and police were told to evacuate Bldg 7 after the owner of the WTC complex, Larry Silverstein, ordered Bldg 7 “pulled”—the term for initiating controlled demolition. Guiliani refused to warn other police and firefighters in the twin towers to evacuate, making him hated by emergency personnel who knew about his betrayal. The media rewarded him with the title of “America’s Mayor” and Time magazine named him “Man of the Year.” Time only puts globalists and/or people the Deep State wants to promote on its cover as “Person of the Year.” That piece of biased promotion was meant to help Giuliani make a run for the presidency, which failed.

Byrne’s contacts with Giuliani came while Sidney Powell was still part of Trump’s legal team shortly after the election fraud took place. Byrne had spent a lot of his own money researching the fraud and brought his information to Powell. At the end of his first briefing to Sidney, she called Giuliani’s office in the same building to arrange for Byrne to brief Rudy on the impressive amount of crucial evidence his team had already compiled showing outright fraud. Here are excerpts in Byrnes own words of what happened. You can read his lengthy but fascinating version of events at his “Deep Capture” investigative website.

…It was a highly-productive first conversation [with Powell], and she ended it telling me that I needed to go to the other side of the office, find Rudy, and immediately tell him everything I had just shared with her.

I should explain what I expected to find. I expected to find a command post staffed by lawyers and quants. The quants would be doing the statistical work, driving answers that would feed lawyers being notified of the research into such oddities as I have walked through above, and would be availing themselves of whatever remedies the law surely applied in appropriate jurisdictions… Thinking that may be a fair bit for one 76 year old to manage, I imagined Rudy might have some strong COO who might be keeping assignments on track.

What I found is this: The place was 20% empty, and another 30% were packing out their desks.

A conference room with a number of lawyers. At least 3 of them were good. These lawyers were the mules of the operation. They were each assigned one or more states. I came to learn that between Rudy’s legal team and the campaign staff there was 0 communication, even though they jointly occupied 2/3 of an office story.

He then describes Giuliani’s main legal honcho, who he calls “The Mediocrity.”

I am not going to reveal the gender or other details about this person (other than to say, imagine a person who is a lawyer and who had once made a career at one of the better-known government agencies). But given how stunningly horrible this person was to work with, how the Mediocrity went out-of-way to be horrible to work with, and because of how destructive this behavior was, I am simply to refer to this person as the ”Mediocrity”.

Byrne then recounts how he was eventually ushered into Giuliani’s office and proceeded to brief him on the details of his research. Giuliani did not make any effort to understand him and became distracted:

I feared overwhelming him, so I tried to simplify. Given that he sat grunting stoically as I spoke, it was difficult to judge what was sinking in. Yet after only 10 minutes I saw Rudy checking his multiple phones for texts, right in front of me as we sat talking. Conversing with one of his assistants, sending someone on a side errand, or receiving a report back. It felt rather strange to be talking to a man who was paying so little attention to me, but the “Commish,” [a former Cop/assistant to the mayor] sitting on the side, motioned for me to continue. After no more than 30 minutes I was ushered out of the office, but told to hang around.

Eventually I was brought back into a smaller room with Mayor Giuliani, and again asked to explain what I think happened… Again within 5-10 minutes he was fidgeting, grunting on occasion, sending people on unrelated side errands, checking his multiple phones for texts and typing some people back…. Meanwhile, I tried to stay on track. Yet there was a moment 15 minutes in when I got a whiff of something in that small office…. Medicine? Booze? Just as I was taking a sniff to decide, someone rushed in with [some] unrelated issue, and I was escorted from the office.

Then he was asked to narrow it down to a single page briefing with only a few bullet points. Here is how that went:

Insulted at “Mediocrity” and the 20-something staffers who were telling me how to write, and giving such asinine advice in the process, I promised I would get them something by the end of the weekend. 48 hours.

He carefully summarizing the significant points of his information into a single page and sent it to Guiliani’s team on Sunday afternoon, but heard nothing back until late at night.

Sunday evening I got a phone call at 11 PM, telling me Mayor Giuliani and his entourage were dining in such-and-such a Georgetown restaurant, and would I mind bringing what I had written over to them. The Mayor asked that I not come back to his table but asked me to simply send into the private dining room the paper I had written.

Later, two people who were in that room told me what happened when my paper arrived.

Rudy took my paper and read it for perhaps 45 seconds, then put it aside saying, “I’ll get to this later.” The Mediocrity was at the table. The Mediocrity picked up the one pager and, holding it between fingers like it was a turd, announced with a laugh, “Can you believe Byrne worked all weekend and this is all he wrote?” [A single page was their limitation, not his.]

From occasional contacts with several of those solid staffers over the weeks that followed, I learned what …had happened that day just before I arrived. Rudy had declaimed that, “You can never prove election fraud in a courtroom!” and had declared it was not going to be the strategy. The strategy was going to be to challenge things on procedural grounds: “This county in this state had one set of rules, this other county in that same state used a different set of rules, that violates due process and Equal Protection of the 14 Amendment.” … just before I arrived there had been a huge blow-up between Rudy and Sidney in front of everyone, with Rudy ending by shouting at Sidney Powell and sending her away, in front of an office of dozens of people. Declaring that none of this was going to be about election fraud, and putting his lawyers to work on their procedural filings.

This proves the criticism I made after Rudy’s first court filing—that he never even tried to present the real evidence of fraud. This gave the judge an opening to dismiss the suit by saying there was no evidence that the irregularities and procedural errors Giuliani alleged would have changed the results of the election. Of course not! Giuliani purposely decided not to include any quantitative evidence of vote switching, vote deletions and ballot stuffing. Byrne describes how that bad filing was made worse through little or no oversight from Guiliani’s group:

[After the original lawyer withdrew under the threats and pressure from the opposing law firm] Rudy had had to find a firm, overnight, that would finish the Pennsylvania filing. He finally found a lawyer in Texas with election experience who finished it, and got it filed in Pennsylvania. It made no mention of election fraud, and was instead focused on the procedural Equal Protection arguments. Rudy only read it on his way driving to the Pennsylvania court where he was to defend it: upon reading it, he apparently told his companions, ‘This is the worst piece of [expletive] filing I’ve ever had to stand up in a courtroom and defend.’ He went into that Pennsylvania courtroom and was destroyed.

Any competent attorney would have read and corrected the filing before submitting it, which Giuliani clearly had not done. Yet, he went into court knowing he couldn’t defend it. Later he tried to amend it on appeal, which any first year law student would know you can’t do.

Later, a participant from Rudy’s team told me that initially Rudy had not even wanted to do that much. He had wanted to make three more-or-less token challenges in three states, and call it a day. Sidney’s adamancy that he was missing the Big Picture had caused him ultimately to relent, a little, and allow a more aggressive posture to be taken. But still, nothing was to be about election fraud and the possibility of a mass rigging of the election. Rudy could tolerate hearing about a couple hundred dead people in Philadelphia voting, but he did not want to hear about anything more complicated than that.

Here is how Giuliani sabotaged the forensic examination of a few voting machines in Georgia:

We got a call from Rudy’s team that we needed to have a set of computer forensic specialists down in Georgia the following morning. They would be provided access to a set of voting machines they could “exploit”.

The licensed and certified computer forensic people in question demanded answers, such as, “Where are the machines? What kinds of machines are they? Tampering and playing around with election equipment being a federal felony, so under what legal authority will we be operating? Will there be law enforcement of any kind to review and document all actions taken, for any chain-of-evidence questions that might later arise?”

The response from Rudy’s team was, “We’ve got all that covered. Get down to Georgia!”

With misgivings, I caused the requisite people to fly in to Georgia from various locations. They were driven to some precinct where, it turned out, someone had indeed vaguely promised that some machines could be inspected…. But that person was not there that day. Or had changed his mind.

The [forensic experts] sat around most of the day, then were driven to another precinct where, this time, they were told there would be someone with a court order granting them access to certain machines. No such person was there, but a group of hostile county employees were. Again they sat around waiting for lawyers arranged by Rudy’s team to show up with paperwork, but they never arrived. After hours of waiting, in the early evening they drove away, and as they sat at a traffic light a half-mile down the street, they saw 17 cop cars, lightbars flashing, go rolling by to the building they had just left.

He summarizes with this note on Giulani’s failure to lead this investigative/legal office:

A number of my colleagues interacted with Rudy from time to time, afternoons and evenings, over the next month and a half. Nearly all mentioned two things: the inordinate amount of attention he was paying to his daily podcast, and second, his drinking. Something was clear to all who were with him in the evening, and also to some of those who were with him in afternoons: he was perpetually [drunk]. His own staffers were mentioning it to us. Certainly every evening, or almost every evening, and most afternoons. That, and his podcasts, were the only guarantees in Rudy’s life. [He was just playing to the public, Trump be damned.]

Now here is how Gen. Flynn’s efforts to bypass the Giuliani tainted legal mess got sabotaged by the Deep State. The narrative demonstrates that the Deep State was listening in on their phone calls and prepared to insert spies into the mix.

Somewhere in those months General Michael Flynn and I had met telephonically… I told him about this assemblage of talents that had come together in various ways: the cyber guys, the quants, the flow of witnesses and affiants into our circle, our structure of multiple debriefers, our information flow back up to a circle of analysts putting everything together. I had rough-hewn the whole structure expecting Mike’s eventual arrival, with the understanding that when he arrived I would be handing the keys to it over to him.

I received a request from him to relocate the top of that structure to a location far away from DC, far away from any city, in fact [for security away from DC prying eyes—or so they thought]. The information flow that was springing into existence was to come up those networks around the country, through the capillaries of the debriefers and report writers, and into a central analytic station. Mere yards away, there would be an office full of lawyers acting as the legal intake for the information we were drawing up. The structure I had built by instinct, he wanted plugged into the legal teams who would be doing the work. We agreed that Sidney and Rudy would both get any output from this work.

I moved the structure to the location he requested. There was a team of lawyers in place there. However, around them there were a variety of people with no discernible roles and who gave me the creeps. One ex-Agency female, a large, loud woman, and not a lawyer, suddenly sprung up and became quite the organizer and gatekeeper. Another participant, a cocky English man with a military background, was there, and suddenly announced that he was the gatekeeper between this room and that. It all began giving me quite a nasty feeling. But after only two days I got word from Flynn: things having been stood up and roughed-out as we had agreed, Flynn called and told me he wanted to fly in and take over, and have me go back to DC to start speaking to the public. We agreed we would cross paths for an hour in a certain location as we switched places

I got ready to leave. I told the cocky British man that I needed him to pass on three key messages to someone I was not going to have a chance to see before leaving. He agreed. I said each one simply, and he nodded curtly after each. When I was done I asked him if he understood. He said casually, “Yep. Got em all.”

“OK, repeat them back to me,” I told him. He stared at me, unblinking. “You say you got them, so repeat them to me.” He could come up with nothing. He had not actually listened to a word. I told him to get a pen and paper, and make three notes. He did so begrudgingly.

For some reason I was supposed to take the ex-Agency woman back to DC with me. We drove to the place at which Mike Flynn was arriving. Once there, it turns out she slipped off to the side and told someone that she had learned something that meant she had to stay behind. Flynn arrived, and we had 30 minutes on a tarmac together. We caught up, synched up. I told him that I had misgivings about this British guy who was at the camp, and about the ex-Agency woman who was hovering around. Then I left.

The next day, back in DC, I received word: the ex-Agency woman had made up a lie to get permission to stay. It had something to do with something I had asked her to do, or had asked her not to do, or some research, or something: whatever it was, it was fabrication, designed to get herself turned around and reassigned to stay in that operation in the countryside. She was confronted, and spilled the beans: she was actually working for someone else, and was supposed to stay down in that operation in the countryside, spying and reporting back. They also confronted the cocky British guy, and though I think he never broke, I am told he was definitely implicated in the minds of everyone there. Security walked both characters off of the premises. After their departure, a device of some kind was found wired in one of the key rooms on the premises.

You can see how easily sincere people, trying to help the president, are thwarted by dark side agents and spies when they aren’t prepared to see, vet, or exclude bad actors. That was Trump’s problem from the beginning. Because he had never worked in conservative circles and knew no one in the country who could build a solid administration, he had to rely on others in the Republican establishment to staff the West Wing of the White House. Naturally, his staff was infiltrated with spies and Deep State operatives.

That is why it takes time and experience in the conservative movement to build an organization that you can trust. In the next section I will review how Trump and some of his core supporters still haven’t learned this lesson as they attempt to rebuild and regroup.